Guide Sport and Migration: Borders, Boundaries and Crossings

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Description In this dazzling collection of papers, leading international sport studies scholars chart the patterns, policies and personal experiences of labour migration within and around sport, and in doing so cast important new light both on the forces shaping modern sport and on the role that sport plays in shaping the world economy and global society. Add to Basket. Shop Home Books eBooks. This jurisdictional authority is shared by U. Customs and Border Protection the primary inspection and enforcement component , the U. Coast Guard the primary interdiction components and U.

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Coast Guard, with the added jurisdiction of investigating violations that occur at both the border and the interior of the United States. It has important roles in protecting Vietnam's sovereignty, maintaining security at land and sea borders. Vietnam Border Defence Force is established on 3 March From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Government service concerned with security of national borders. Not to be confused with Immigration officer.

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Retrieved Archived from the original on Border guards. Canada United States. Although FIFA determines who under which conditions is eligible to compete in international football, they do not have a say in national citizenship procedures. The migration histories of countries, with their differences and over time changes in national citizenship policies, therefore have an influence on the volume and diversity of foreign-born players within the selected national teams and, as a consequence, at the World Cup.

While transfers of football players in club football are historically careful watched and documented by official institutions and the media, accurate numbers on foreign-born footballers in national football teams are lacking, especially before the mids Hafner, To overcome this lack, we created a database consisting of all footballers who represented a national team at the World Cup between and This resulted in a database of In the current study we will do the same but we are aware that it has its limitations and we have reflected on those limitations in an earlier article van Campenhout et al.

Further, as each state determines and alters its citizenship conditions, different acquisition possibilities of citizenship have emerged within countries. Because of this, a diversity within the foreign-born population of countries has come into existence over time Castels et al. It, however, lies beyond the scope of this article to discuss different typologies of foreign-born players in-depth.

The selected countries employ — and have employed — different national policies around citizenship and naturalisation, either based on jus soli or jus sanguinis or a combination. The selected countries qualified at least ten times for the World Cup. The presence of foreign-born players in national football teams is described in terms of volume , referring to the absolute number of football players that competed for another national team than their native country at the editions of the World Cup — Besides the absolute numbers of players, we also mapped the relative numbers of foreign-born footballers which means the percentage of foreign-born players within the selections of the selected national teams and at the editions of the World Cup.

Further, in of the 4. However, their country of birth is known and traceable. To measure the diversity among foreign-born football players we, like other social scientists, use the Herfindahl-Hirschmann-index HHI. Within our selection, most D-values are however exact 0 or 1. This means that either national teams do not have selected any foreign-born players 1 — all footballers are born in the country they represent — or, in the case of 0, that foreign-born footballer s in a national team originate from a single other country.

We calculated the D-values of foreign-born footballers for three World Cup editions: , and In this section we present the results of our empirical analysis. We will start by showing the historical changes in the volume of foreign-born footballers throughout the history of the World Cup — Based on these insights, we discuss the diversity of foreign-born players in terms of their countries of origin within their representative national teams at three World Cup editions: , and Absolute and relative numbers of foreign-born football players within the fifteen selected national teams per World Cup, — First, during the earliest editions of the World Cup — it was not uncommon for footballers to represent another national team than their country of birth as the percentages above 7.

This outlier can be explained by the presence of nine Austrian-born footballers in the selection of the German Empire. It was not until the s that the volume of foreign-born footballers curled back towards similar levels as on the morrow of the Second World War. Thirdly, an steady increase in the number of foreign-born players at the World Cup can be seen since the mid- to lates onwards.

This upward trend is in line with liberalisation processes that relaxed citizenship regimes since the s and seems to resemble migratory patterns in the Olympics Jansen et al. Interestingly, most of their foreign-born players originate from South American countries, especially from Argentina and Brazil. Moreover, as the citizenship regimes of Italy and Spain are based on jus sanguinis , footballers born on the South American continent in families with Italian or Spanish roots can relatively easy acquire citizenship of these countries which, in addition, makes them eligible to play for its representative national team.

In particular within the national team of Italy, Argentina-born players seem to be omnipresent throughout its history with Luis Felipe Monti , Humberto Maschio and Mauro Camoranesi as some examples Foot, ; Martin, As the South Korean government places a high value on the ethnic and cultural homogeneity of its population it is hard for foreigners to acquire Korean citizenship through naturalisation. The Korean government, however, has made its naturalisation processes more flexible since , especially for highly skilled migrants like talented athletes Choi, Frankfurt-born Cha Du-ri, within a Korean family, is up to now the only foreign-born footballer who represented South Korea at the World Cup.

Two reasons for the failing of this effect can be distinguished.

Crossing the Border - Rudy Mancuso, Lele Pons, Anwar Jibawi & Jeff Wittek

The chances of recruiting from a pool of foreign-born footballers, who are eligible due to filiation, is therefore, small. Mexico, however, is the exception as it historically has been dealing with a net emigration , in particular to the United States. They have just recently started to employ this method of selecting their representative footballers Helms, ; Pew Research Center, Argentina and Uruguay, for example, both selected one Spanish-born player in , and their , and squads only included one foreign-born player.

In addition, five times world champion Brazil has never selected a foreign-born player in any of their twenty-one World Cup squads. Diversity amongst foreign-born football players in the selected national teams. Immigration diversification of the selected national teams at the , and World Cup. The strokes in this figure display the movements of foreign-born players from, on the left side, their country of origin to their adopted national team, on the right side, for the three World Cup editions. The number displayed on the lines, near the countries of birth, represent the absolute numbers of football players that moved between the countries for that specific edition of the World Cup.

Moreover, the thicker a stroke, the more football players have moved from a particular country of birth. Because territorial borders have changed over time, a small table is added to this figure to illustrate the relevant border changes that have occurred throughout the history of the World Cup. Looking at the countries from which the foreign-born players in the US teams of and originate, the pattern seems rather scattered including countries of origin all across Europe, like England, Scotland, Germany, Norway and Sweden Fig.

In most cases, foreign-born footballers compete for countries that are historically connected to their country of birth such as former colonies, befriended states or neighbouring countries. In other words, the countries of origin of foreign-born players in national football teams are not random or part of a free market of choice but are often guided, or constrained, by colonial relations, specific migration histories, local and international legislation, and national traditions.

For example, the ethnic diversity within the national team of France is often considered a vivid memory of its colonial migration history Dubois, ; Storey, This high share of South American born football players competing for Italy is, as mentioned above, closely related to the emigration waves from Italy towards South America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries Goebel, Moreover, these South American competitions had, around the mids, no shortage of high-class footballers with Italian roots Martin, Moreover, as these Argentina-born Italians were immediately eligible to play for the national team upon receiving Italian citizenship, it was not uncommon for the Italian football federation to select the best football players from their South American diaspora.

Clearly, foreign-born footballers originate from an increasingly diverse pool of countries which matches the so-called globalisation of migration Castels et al. However, as the majority of these movements seems to be guided by historical power relations between countries, the immigration diversification remains rather limited. In this paper, we provided a historical overview on the rising intensity and diversity of foreign-born footballers in the selections of fifteen national teams at the World Cup — To support claims on the World Cup becoming more migratory over time, we based our argumentation on a complete dataset, from fifteen selected countries, that consist of 4.

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Our outcomes, first, indicate that the presence of foreign-born players in national football teams is nothing new as even in the s players born abroad represented other countries. Second, foreign-born footballers are increasingly representing other national teams instead of the one of their country of birth. And third, the countries of origin of foreign-born footballers have diversified over time. We, therefore, conclude that the World Cup has become more migratory throughout its history. When contextualising our data, we observed ebb and flow movements within the volume of foreign-born footballers at the World Cup.

Obviously, differences in the number of foreign-born players exist between i the editions of the World Cup and ii within national football teams. Further, from an immigration perspective, the developments in the diversity of foreign-born players at the World Cup basically reflects general tendencies of a globalisation of migration ; foreign-born footballers seem to originate from a wider, more diverse, range of countries in the latest editions Castels et al.

In other words, the selection of foreign-born players is guided — or restricted — by historical relationship between countries. As indicate above, it is important to emphasise that not all countries are confronted with the same migratory processes at the same time, and that large differences exist between countries in the world in terms of how citizenship of a country can be acquired Castels et al. We, obviously, did this by means of counting the players who were foreign-born and became naturalised, as possessing citizenship is a prerequisite stated by FIFA.

Although it was beyond the scope of this article, our data indicated that most foreign-born footballers were eligible to compete for another national team because they acquired citizenship through descent or because they met the specific naturalisation conditions of a country. These different routes to citizenship, either within and between countries, have unintentionally created a divergence between naturalised citizens as the foreign-born can have acquired citizenship upon birth through descent, can be born in another country within an immigrant family and naturalised through jus sanguinis , or moved to a country and naturalised because of jus matrimonii or jus domicilii.

So, although the foreign-born players in our paper are all legitimately entitled to represent the national team they played for, their selection might have led to moral discussions on the representativeness of national football teams as an increase in foreign-born players within the selection of national teams might seem to symbolise a decoupling of citizenship from national identity Jansen et al. As each research has its limitations, we want to point out some limitations of our dataset.

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The framing of our dataset — the selection of fifteen countries and the context of the World Cup — provides a somewhat blurred perspective on the volume and diversity of foreign-born players as they are closely related to the national teams that qualified for the World Cup; an event that only takes place once every four years. It is, therefore, impossible to provide a complete pattern on the development of foreign-born footballers at the World Cup.

Further, the amount and quality of available biographic data on football players differs greatly per national team and over time. There is, obviously, more detailed data available on high-profile footballers and on better performing national teams.